Colonialism and Imperialism of the 19th-20th century

Lecture 6. Colonialism and Imperialism of the 19th-20th century

The Rise of American Imperialism and the Jingoist Wars in Africa and Asia

The Rise of American Imperialism (1890 1913). Beginning in the 1890s, the United States began to practice some of the same imperialistic policies that it had previously criticized major European powers for. Spurred on by sugar planters, America expanded its influence in Hawaii and in 1896 annexed the islands. Americans also pushed for an "Open Door" trading policy in China. Efforts to expand American influence abroad were motivated by economic, political, religious, and social factors; the "white man's burden" argument was influential in both Europe and the United States. There were also opponents to imperialism who often based their opposition on moral grounds. American imperialistic impulses flourished during the Spanish-American War; newly created American naval power was one important factor in the defeat of Spain. After contentious debate within the United States, America finally decided to annex the Philippines; it took three years for American forces to defeat Filipino rebels, who instead of fighting the Spanish now resisted their new occupiers, the Americans. Americans finished building the Panama Canal in 1914; the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine further increased American influence in Latin America.

Keywords: Open Door policy: policy supported by the United States beginning in 1899 that stated that all major powers, including the United States, should have an equal right to trade in China.

Social Darwinism: philosophy that emerged from the writings of Charles Darwin on the "survival of the fittest"; this was used to justify the vast differences between the rich and the poor in the late nineteenth century as well as American and European imperialistic ventures.

Spanish-American War: war that began in 1898 against the Spanish over treatment of Cubans by Spanish troops that controlled the island. As a result of this war, the United States annexed the Philippines, making America a major power in the Pacific.

Yellow journalism: a method of journalism that utilizes sensationalized accounts of the news to sell newspapers; this approach helped to whip up nationalistic impulses that led to the Spanish-American War.

USS Maine: U.S. naval ship that sank in Havana harbor in February 1898 following an explosion; the incident was used to increase calls for war against Spain. It was never definitively determined why or how the ship was sunk.

Panama Canal: canal across the Panama isthmus that was begun in 1904 and completed in 1914; its opening enabled America to expand its economic and military influence.

Roosevelt Corollary (1904): policy that warned Europeans against intervening in the affairs of Latin America and that claimed the right of the United States to intervene in the affairs of Latin American nations if "chronic wrongdoing" was taking place.

Dollar Diplomacy: foreign policy supported by President William Howard Taft and others that favored increased American investment in the world as a way of increasing American influence.

A Period of Foreign Policy Inaction. In the years immediately after the Civil War, the United States aggressively sought out new territories to acquire or to economically control. In 1867, the United States purchased Alaska from the Russians. During the same year, the Midway Islands were also annexed, as the United States was also searching for potential bases in the Pacific Ocean.

The United States did not take part in imperialistic adventures until the 1890s. Several reasons can be cited for this. America was still expanding, but this expansion was still westward; the American frontier did not totally close until the last decade of the century. In addition, rapid industrial growth, urban growth, and a large influx of immigrants kept America occupied for much of the later nineteenth century. Another factor was that most of the men in power had been veterans of the Civil War or had intimate knowledge of it. These men had little stomach for further warfare, which imperialism was likely to bring. The results of these factors were obvious. During the 1870s and early 1880s, the American State Department had fewer than 100 employees. The United States Army and Navy both would have been no match for the military forces of four or five European countries. Virtually no politician spoke of increased imperialistic adventures when campaigning in this era.

A Sign of Things to Come: Hawaii. An initial indication that American attitudes toward the use of force abroad was first demonstrated by American actions in Hawaii. American missionaries had first come to Hawaii in the 1820s. The United States was, for obvious reasons, interested in Hawaii's sugar plantations. In 1887, a deal was struck allowing sugar from the islands to be imported into America duty-free. This stimulated the sugar trade in Hawaii. Sugar planters in Hawaii exerted tremendous economic and political power; during that same year, they forced King Kalakaua to accept a new constitution that took away some of his political power and put it in their hands.

In 1891, the king died, and his sister, Queen Liliuokalani, replaced him. By this point, planters in Hawaii, and some members of the United States Senate, saw the obvious economic advantages of turning Hawaii into a United States protectorate. Queen Liliuokalani vigorously rejected this; her goal was to greatly reduce the influence of foreign countries, especially the United States, in Hawaii. In 1893, pro-American sugar planters, assisted by American marines, overthrew the queen, declared Hawaii to be a republic, and requested Hawaii be annexed by the United States. This takeover was partially a reaction to U.S. tariff policies, which favored domestic producers. If Hawaii was annexed, then planters from Hawaii would be considered domestic producers.

Much debate took place on the floor of the Senate on the proper role of the United States in Hawaii. President Grover Cleveland sent a commission to Hawaii to determine the wishes of the citizens of Hawaii concerning their future. After the commission reported that most people interviewed supported Queen Liliuokalani, Cleveland announced that he was opposed to annexation but recognized the Republic of Hawaii. President McKinley had no such reservations after his election in 1896, stating that it was "manifest destiny" that the United States should control Hawaii. Congress soon approved annexation, largely on the promise that future military bases placed in Hawaii could cement America's strategic position in the Pacific.

It also should be noted that American economic interests required increased involvement in China during this period as well. The possibility of investment in China would cause Secretary of State John Hay to ask European leaders for an Open Door policy in China in 1899, which would allow all foreign nations, including the United States, to establish trading relations with China.

During this era, the desire for American expansion did not extend to the Middle East. American Christian missionaries were active in the region throughout the nineteenth century. American religious groups founded Robert College in Turkey in 1863 and the Syrian Protestant College in 1866; students in both schools were the sons of the local governmental and social elites. In the first years of the twentieth century, many fears were expressed in the Middle East about possible encroachment by the European "imperialist" powers; during these discussions, there was virtually no mention of the United States.

The 1890s: Reasons for American Imperialism

By the 1890s, many American leaders began to have new attitudes toward imperialistic adventures abroad. The reasons for this were also numerous. At the forefront of those pushing for an aggressive American policy abroad were various industrial leaders, who feared that the United States would soon produce more than it could ever consume. New dependent states could prove to be markets for these goods. Some in business also perceived that in the future, industries would need raw materials that could simply not be found in America (rubber and petroleum products, for example). In the future, America would need dependent states to provide these materials.

Other influential Americans stated that it was important for political reasons that America expand. Bases would be needed in the future in the Pacific, many claimed—thus the need to acquire strategic locations in that region. Many of those interested in reviving the American navy also were very interested in imperialistic adventures; the Naval Act of 1900 authorized the construction of battleships that would be clearly offensive in nature. A major supporter of naval expansion was Captain Alfred T. Mahan, who in 1890 wrote The Influence of Sea Power upon History, which stated that to be economically successful America must gain new markets abroad; the navy would have to be expanded to accomplish this.

Several other factors accounted for the increased American interest in foreign frontiers in the 1890s. The concept of Social Darwinism was used by supporters of imperialism, as were ideas, many imported from Europe, about the racial superiority of the Anglo-Saxon race. Our Country, written in 1885 by Josiah Strong, stated that God had appointed the Anglo-Saxons to be their "brother's keepers." Some Americans believed in Kipling's "White Man's Burden" and felt it was their duty to civilize the "inferior races" of Africa and Asia. This was also the period when American missionaries felt the time was right to Christianize the "heathen" of these regions. Others, including Senator Albert J. Beveridge of Indiana, feared that the American spirit would be sapped by the closing of the frontier and suggested that adventures abroad might help offset this. It should also be remembered that a new generation of Americans, less affected by the horrors of the Civil War, was now in positions of power in Washington, DC.

THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. Those who wanted American adventure abroad finally got their wish with the Spanish-American War. In this "splendid little war," America was able to fight against an insignificant European power with little military clout. The steps leading to this war began in 1868, when Cuban colonists revolted against the Spanish, who controlled the island. The Spanish made some efforts to control the efficiency of their operations in Cuba, but generally failed in their promises of allowing more self-government on the island. In 1895, an economic depression, caused by falling sugar and tobacco prices, hit the native population especially hard, and another revolt took place.

American investors, plantation owners, and government officials initially did not support the rebellion. The Spanish sent in a huge force of 150,000 troops and instituted a policy of reconcentration, which sent civilians, including women and children, who the Spanish thought might be potential allies of the rebels, into heavily guarded camps. Conditions in these camps were appalling; it was estimated that in two years up to 225,000 people died in them.

The Cuban exile community in the United States pressured America to intervene on the side of the rebels, yet both President Cleveland and President McKinley resisted these efforts. Pressure on McKinley to intervene increased when Cuban rebels started to destroy American economic interests in Cuba, such as sugar mills.

American public opinion began to swerve toward intervention in Cuba. It is often pointed out that the American press was more responsible for this than were the actual events in Cuba. Several American newspapers practiced the most lurid forms of yellow journalism when dealing with events in Cuba. Stories of the rape of Cuban girls by Spanish soldiers and brutal torture and execution of innocent Cuban citizens were standard fare in the New York World (published by Joseph Pulitzer) and the New York Morning Journal (owned by William Randolph Hearst), both of which were competing for circulation in New York. Both papers sent numerous reporters and illustrators to Cuba, and editors in New York demanded sensationalized stories. Newspapers across the country reprinted the accounts published in these papers. As a result of these stories, jingoism developed in America; this combined an intense America nationalism with a desire for adventure abroad.

It became harder for McKinley to resist the calls for intervention in Cuba, especially after the sinking of the USS Maine on February 15, 1898. The Maine had been sent to Havana harbor to protect American interests after violent riots broke out in Cuba in January. During the same month, a letter stolen from the Spanish ambassador to Washington, in which he called President McKinley "weak," was published in newspapers across the country, further inflaming public opinion. The sinking of the Maine was undoubtedly caused by an explosion on board, yet both New York newspapers in banner headlines called for Americans to "Remember the Maine!" An American commission sent to study the sinking of the Maine was never able to conclusively determine why or how the ship was sunk.

The Outbreak of War. Theodore Roosevelt was the Assistant Secretary of the Navy at the time, and a vigorous supporter of an increased American role abroad. On February 25 (without the approval of his boss), he cabled all of the commanders in the Pacific to be ready for immediate combat against the Spanish. When the existence of these cables was discovered, President McKinley ordered the content of all of them to be rescinded, except the one to Admiral George Dewey; McKinley reaffirmed that if war broke out in Cuba, Dewey should attack the Spanish fleet quartered in the Philippines. The pressure on McKinley to go to war was enormous. It should be noted that at this point both American expansionists and those with humanitarian motives supported American intervention in Cuba. McKinley sent the Spanish a list of demands that had to be met to avoid war. The Spanish agreed to the vast majority of them, yet McKinley finally gave in to pressures at home. On April 11, 1898, he finally sent a message to Congress stating that he favored American intervention in Cuba. The next day Congress authorized the use of force against Spain.

It is still debated whether American disorganization or Spanish disorganization was more pronounced in the Spanish-American War. American efforts to organize an army to go to Cuba were woefully inefficient. Theodore Roosevelt resigned his position in the Naval Department to lead the "Rough Riders" up San Juan Hill in the most famous event of the war; his actual role in this battle has been debated. Americans lost 2500 men in this war, the vast majority from malaria or food poisoning. Only 400 died in battle.

It was the American navy earlier championed by Captain (by now Admiral) Mahan that proved decisive in the American victory over the Spanish. In seven hours, Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in the Pacific; every ship of the Spanish Atlantic force was destroyed by the American navy. In the Treaty of Paris ending the war, Spain recognized the independence of Cuba and, for a payment of $20 million, gave the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Guam over to the United States.

The Role of America: Protector or Oppressor? After victory over the Spanish, the United States was placed in a somewhat uncomfortable position. It had criticized Spain for the way it had controlled Cuba, yet many in America did not want Cuba to be totally free either. The dilemma facing Americans after victory was one that would be rethought throughout the twentieth century: how to combine imperialistic intentions with the deep-seated American beliefs in liberty and self-government.

Fearing that America would want to annex Cuba, supporters of Cuban independence in Congress had inserted the Teller Amendment in the original congressional bill calling for war against Spain. This amendment stated that America would not do this under any circumstances. Nevertheless, President McKinley authorized that the Cubans would be ruled by an American military government (which kept control until 1901). The military government did authorize the Cubans to draft a constitution in 1900 but also insisted that the Cubans agree to all of the provisions of the Platt Amendment. This document stated that Cuba could not enter into agreements with other countries without the approval of the United States, that the United States had the right to intervene in Cuban affairs "when necessary," and that America be given two naval bases on the Cuban mainland. The Platt Amendment remained in force in Cuba until the early 1930s.

THE DEBATE OVER THE PHILIPPINES. The debate in America over what to do with the Philippines was a much more intense one. This debate took place on the floor of the Senate and in countless editorial pages across the country. An aggressive policy toward Cuba could be justified, since it was only 90 miles away and seemed important to the United States' position in the Western Hemisphere. Many had second thoughts, however, over controlling the Philippines; the Filipinos seemed a world away, and, after all, were not "like us." In addition, Americans became aware that Filipinos expected that after the Americans helped throw out the Spanish they would then help them achieve independence. What, indeed, should America's role in the Philippines be?

All of the most basic arguments on the merits of imperialism were debated in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War. Didn't the concept of ruling a territory by force violate everything that America stood for? An Anti-Imperialist League was formed in 1898 (with Mark Twain and William Jennings Bryan as charter members). The first brochures put out by this organization wondered if America didn't have too many problems at home to be involved abroad, and also expressed the fear that the armies need for imperialistic adventures abroad might also be used to curb dissent at home. Others pointed to the huge costs of imperialism and the fear that natives from newly acquired territories might take the jobs (or lower the wages) of American workers. Some pointed out the basic racism involved in American attitudes toward the Filipinos; some Southerners opposed imperialism because they feared it would bring people of the "inferior races" to America in greater numbers.

In the end, those arguing the political, strategic, and economic advantages that control of the Philippines would bring won the national argument. The American frontier was closing; wouldn't expansion abroad keep America vital and strong? In addition, religious figures noted that the acquisition of the Philippines would give the church the opportunity to convert Filipinos to Christianity. President McKinley supported American control of the Philippines, stating that if the Americans didn't enter, civil war was likely there. He also proclaimed that the Filipinos were simply "unfit for self-government." The treaty authorizing American control of the Philippines was ratified in February of 1899. It should be noted that American soldiers fought Filipino rebels for the next three years, with nearly 4500 American soldiers killed in this fighting. The American army attacked Filipino rebels with a vengeance; by the end of the insurrection, 200,000 Filipinos had been killed. Many humanitarian groups in America, which had initially enthusiastically supported the Spanish-American War, were appalled. An American commission later criticized the U.S. military for its conduct when dealing with the rebel forces.

CONNECTING THE PACIFIC AND THE ATLANTIC: THE PANAMA CANAL. After the Spanish-American War, most in America and in Europe regarded America as one of the major world powers. Theodore Roosevelt became president after the assassination of President McKinley and, as he had previously demonstrated, favored an aggressive foreign policy. (McKinley was killed during the first year of his second term as president by an anarchist; the next day, political boss Mark Hanna lamented "now that damned cowboy is President of the United States.") One of Roosevelt's most cherished goals was the construction of the Panama Canal, which would link the Pacific and the Atlantic Oceans. The strategic and economic benefits of such a canal for America at the time were obvious.

A French building company had already acquired the rights to build such a canal in the region of Panama (which was controlled by Colombia). In 1902, the United States bought the rights from the company to construct the land, but this agreement was opposed by the Colombians. A "revolt" was organized in Panama by the French. United States warships sailed off the coast of Panama to help the "rebels." The United States was the first to recognize Panama as an independent country; newly installed Panamanian officials then gave America territory to build a canal. By the terms of the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty of 1904, the United States received permanent rights and sovereignty over a 10-mile-wide area on which they planned to build the canal. In return, Panama was given $10 million. Construction of the canal began shortly afterward. In the United States, there was much criticism of American actions in Panama, but as in the case of the Philippines, the practical benefits of having a canal won out. The canal was finally completed in 1914. American businesses could now ship their goods faster and cheaper, although the acquisition of the Panama Canal deepened the suspicion of many in Latin America toward the United States.

THE ROOSEVELT COROLLARY. Theodore Roosevelt's most famous quote was to "speak softly and carry a big stick." In 1904, he also announced the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine to Congress, which stated that the United States had the right to intervene in any country in the Western Hemisphere that did things "harmful to the United States," or if the threat of intervention by countries outside the hemisphere was present. The Roosevelt Corollary strengthened American control over Latin America, justified numerous American interventions in Latin American affairs in the twentieth century, and increased the "Yankee go home" sentiment throughout the region. In Santo Domingo (now the Dominican Republic), the government went bankrupt, and European countries threatened to intervene to collect their money; under the provisions of the Roosevelt Corollary, Roosevelt organized the American payment of Santo Domingan debt to keep the Europeans out.

In fairness, it should also be noted that Roosevelt won the Nobel Peace Prize for his mediation between the Japanese and the Russians after the Russo-Japanese War of 1904. William Howard Taft, Roosevelt's successor, was not as aggressive in foreign policy as Roosevelt. He favored "dollars over bullets" and instituted a policy labeled by his critics as "Dollar Diplomacy," which stated that American investment abroad would ensure stability and good relations between America and nations abroad. This policy would also be hotly debated throughout the twentieth century. Review, To achieve a perfect 5, you should be able to explain the following:

America became the economic and imperialistic equal of the major European powers by the beginning of the twentieth century.
The United States acquired territory in the years immediately following the Civil War, but then entered a period where little foreign expansion took place.
Americans and natives friendly to America increased the economic and political control of Hawaii by the United States, signaling a new trend in foreign policy.
America desired trade in China; these desires were represented in John Hay's Open Door policy.
Economic, political, and strategic motives pushed America to pursue imperialist goals in the 1890s.
Many in this era also opposed imperialism, often on moral or humanitarian grounds.
The Spanish-American War allowed American imperialistic impulses to flourish; religious figures also supported imperialism in this era.
Spanish incompetence and the strength of the American navy were important factors in the American victory in the Spanish-American War.
America was deeply conflicted but finally decided to annex the Philippines, with three years of fighting between Americans and Filipino rebels to follow.
The Panama Canal was built by the United States for military, strategic, and economic reasons; its construction began in 1904 and was completed in 1914.
The Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine increased American control over Latin America.

Time Line

1867: United States purchases Alaska from Russia United States annexes Midway Islands

1871: Beginning of European "Scramble for Africa"

1875: Trade agreement between United States and Hawaii signed

1885: Publication of Our Country by Josiah Strong; book discusses role of Anglo-Saxons in the world

1890: Captain Alfred T. Mahan's The Influence of Sea Power upon History published

1893: Pro-American sugar planters overthrow Queen Liliuokalani in Hawaii

1895: Revolt against Spanish in Cuba; harsh Spanish reaction angers many in United States

1898: Explosion of USS Maine in Havana harbor; beginning of Spanish-American War Annexation of Hawaii receives final approval from Congress

Anti-Imperialist League formed

1899: Secretary of State John Hay asks European leaders for an Open Door policy in China

First fighting between American army forces and Filipino rebels in Manila

1900: Naval Act of 1900 authorizes construction of offensive warships requested by navy

1901: Assassination of President McKinley; Theodore Roosevelt becomes president

1904: Roosevelt Corollary to Monroe Doctrine announced

United States begins construction of Panama Canal

1905: Roosevelt mediates conflict between Japan, Russia in Portsmouth, New Hampshire

1914: Completion of the Panama Canal

Test your knowledge with these practice questions:

ANGLO-BOER WARS IN SOUTH AFRICA. When diamonds were discovered at Kimberley it was not quite clear who had sovereignty over the area, with Tswana chiefdom, the Orange Free State, the Transvaal Republic and the Griquas all claiming the area. Britain pressurized the rival claimants to undergo a process of arbitration under their direction. At the arbitration it was decided that the Griqua's claim was strongest, but the British immediately offered the Griqua leader substantial compensation if he agreed that the territory should be administered by the British. Not surprisingly, the Orange Free State, which had the strongest claim out of the two republics, was annoyed by this sleight of hand, especially as the British soon incorporated the area into the Cape Colony, but there was little they could do about it.

The Rand (край, территория), on the other hand, was clearly within the Transvaal Republic. The British had annexed the Transvaal in 1877 but after a brief Boer uprising they handed control back. They must have regretted the decision when gold was discovered just five years later. The government of the Republic was primarily concerned with looking after the interests of its richer Boers, the vast majority of whom were farmers. They were a little unsure about how to treat the new mining economy. On the one hand the extra revenue from taxing the operations was clearly to be welcomed, whilst on the other they were nervous about the implications of having a large number of new immigrants, known by them as uitlanders (южно-афр. уитлендер; "пришелец"; неафрикандер, т.е. лицо неголландского происхождения, обыкн. англичанин), or foreigners, in their midst. They therefore introduced legislation restricting the franchise to white adult male naturalized citizens who had lived in the Republic for at least 14 years.

While most uitlanders were too busy trying to make their fortune to worry about politics, they did complain about the inefficiency of the Transvaal government in meeting the conditions necessary for an efficient capitalist system. British Imperialist forces were keen to get their hands on the Republic and in 1895 tried to manipulate uitlander dissatisfaction in a plot to overthrow the Transvaal government. In 1895, with the backing of the Colonial Office in London, Cecil Rhodes, then Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, tried to organize a committee of leading uitlanders to seize control of Johannesburg and declare a new government. Rhodes also arranged for a column of British police, under the control of his old friend Leander Starr Jameson, based in the Bechuanaland Protectorate, to come to their assistance. The plot, later known as the Jameson Raid, was a fiasco. The uitlander committee in Johannesburg bickered amongst themselves and did not command any mass following. Realizing this, Rhodes called off the proposed intervention by Jameson's force, but Jameson ignored his command and entered the Transvaal. When the committee learnt of this, they did belatedly declare that they had taken over Johannesburg but even in the process of doing so they entered into negotiations with the Transvaal Republic and came to an agreement. Jameson's column, therefore, had no crisis in which to intervene and were simply met and arrested by a Transvaal commando. This embarrassing incident marked the end of Rhodes' political career and helped to alienate British and Afrikaners across South Africa.

Despite the failures of the Jameson Raid the British were still keen to gain control of the Transvaal. Just four years after, Britain mounted a far better equipped, more sustained and ultimately successful bid to gain control of the whole of South Africa; the Anglo-Boer (or South African) War of 1899 to 1902. There is some disagreement among historians about the underlying cause of the war. Afrikaner Nationalist historians tend to view it simply as an example of British Imperial expressionism. Some historians of the British Empire, on the other hand, argue that it was more to do with British strategic concerns; they were worried that the Transvaal Republic could inspire Afrikaners in the Cape to rebel against the British who would, therefore, lose control of ports such as Simon's Town which were vital for protecting her sea routes. The British were, not surprisingly, keen to control the world's largest supply of gold and make sure their investment in the mines was profitable.

During the late 1890s the Colonial Office in London and the British High Commissioner in the Cape both lobbied for direct British military intervention to overthrow the Transvaal and the Orange Free State Republics. The situation grew more and more tense and in September 1899 Britain sent a large party of British soldiers to reinforce their troops. Sensing that Britain was about to invade the Transvaal, the Orange Free State decided to strike before the reinforcements arrived and on 11 October 1899 declared war on Britain in an attempt to preserve their independence. Deciding that attack was the best form of defence, they invaded both the Cape and Natal colonies.

At first the Boer Republics had great success and achieved victories in both northern Natal and the northeastern Cape. They drove back British forces and laid siege to Ladysmith, Kimberley and Mafikeng. They were, however, unable to advance much further in either colony and the general uprising of Afrikaners in the Cape that they had hoped for never materialized. Initially they held off British attempts to relieve the three towns, but with the arrival of huge numbers of British troops the fortunes changed. During 1900 the British set off on a triumphant and unstoppable advance on Pretoria and Paul Kruger, the president of the Transvaal Republic, escaped into exile via the Portuguese colony of Mozambique.

British victory seemed secure, but a number of die-hard Boers had other ideas. For the next two years they indulged in a continuous and, for the British, exceptionally frustrating, guerrilla war. The British were unable to capture the small bands of highly skilled Boer commandos so set about instituting a scorched earth policy to deny the guerrillas any help from local populations. Large numbers of Boers from areas with a guerrilla presence were placed in concentration camps to prevent them from supplying the commandos in the field with provisions. Poor administration meant that food and medical supplies in the camps often ran out and many Boers, including many women and children, died of disease or starvation. Memories of the British scorched earth policy were often revived by Afrikaner politicians throughout the 20th century, though they conveniently forgot that the Boers tended to use very similar techniques in their battles against African chiefdoms. Also forgotten is the British policy of rounding up any African workers on Boer farms and placing them in similar concentration camps during the war.

PEACE AND UNION. The British scorched earth policy and the sheer hopelessness of their situation eventually lead many Boers to abandon the fight and return to their farms. The remaining guerrilla bands, who became known as the bitterenders, eventually surrendered to the British under the Treaty of Vereening in April 1902. The British were keen to ensure that the two defeated Boer republics were fully incorporated into a unified South Africa and therefore agreed a number of concessions for the defeated army. One of the key issues that the British were willing to concede was that any discussion of political rights for Africans be delayed until some unspecified future date.

The British hoped that after the war they would be able to substantially Anglicize the country by enforcing English as an official language and encouraging mass immigration from Britain. This policy proved to be a failure but they were successful in encouraging the four territories to agree to Union just seven years after the end of the war. One of the key sticking points in discussions over Union was the issue of African voting rights. In the Cape Africans and coloureds had the right to vote as long as they owned above a set value in property. While this excluded most Africans it did give at least some an opportunity to vote and therefore a political voice, however weak. Natal also had a property qualification but the figure was set so high for Africans that only a handful ever managed to vote. The other two Boer republics had never allowed Africans any political rights whatsoever. During the discussions over Union, which only Natal had reservations about, it was decided that the issue of voter representation for Africans would be side-stepped by entrenching a constitutional clause maintaining the pre-Union franchise arrangements in each of the four territories. With this issue solved and agreement on things such as dual official languages (English and Dutch), all sides agreed on the Act of Union, which was passed by the British Houses of Parliament in 1909 and the Union of South Africa came into being in 1910.

THE ANGLO-BOER WARS. There were two Boer wars, one ran from 16 December 1880 - 23 March 1881 and the second from 9 October 1899 - 31 May 1902 both between the British and the settlers of Dutch origin (called Boere, Afrikaners or Voortrekkers) who lived in South Africa. These wars put an end to the two independent republics that they had founded.

The First Boer War (16 December 1880 - 23 March 1881). The first clash was precipitated by Sir Theophilus Shepstone who annexed the Transvaal (the South African Republic) for the British in 1877 after the Anglo-Zulu War. The Boers protested and in 1880 revolted. The Boers dressed in earthtone khaki clothes, whereas the British uniforms were bright red, a stark contrast to the African landscape, which enabled the Boers to easily snipe British troops from a distance. After a British force under George Pomeroy-Collery was heavily defeated at the Battle of Majuba Hill in February 1881 the British government of Gladstone gave the Boers self-government in the Transvaal under a theoretical British oversight.

The Second Boer War (9 October 1899 - 31 May 1902). There was continued pressure on the Boers, as following the discovery of gold in the Transvaal in 1885 at Witwatersrand Reef there was a rush of non-Boer settlers, uitlanders. The new settlers were poorly regarded by the Boers and in return there was pressure to remove their government. In 1896 Cecil Rhodes sponsored the ineffective coup d'etat of the Jameson Raid and the failure to gain improved rights for Britons was used as an excuse to justify a major military buildup in the Cape. There was another reason for the British intention to take control of the Boer Republics: there was at the time an attempt made by the Transvaal Republic to link up with German South West Africa, a possibility which the British, with an eye to the coming clash with the Empire of the Germans, determined to thwart.

The Boers, under Paul Kruger, struck first. The Boers attacked into Cape Colony and Natal between October 1899 and January 1900. The Boers were able to successfully besiege the British garrisons in the towns of Ladysmith, Mafeking (defended by troops headed by Robert Baden-Powell) and Kimberley and inflicted three separate defeats on the British in one week, December 10 to 15, 1899. It was not until reinforcements arrived on February 14, 1900 that British troops commanded by Lord Roberts could launch counter-offences to relieve the garrisons (the relief of Mafeking on May 18, 1900 provoked riotous celebrations in England) and enabled the British to take Bloemfontein on March 13 and the Boer capital, Pretoria, on June 5. Boer units fought for two more years as guerrillas, the British, now under the command of Lord Kitchener, responded by constructing blockhouses, destroying farms and confiscating food to prevent them from falling into Boer hands and placing Boer civilians in concentration camps.

The last of the Boers surrendered in May 1902 and the war ended with the Treaty of Vereeniging in the same month. 22,000 British troops had died and over 25,000 Boer civilians. The treaty ended the existence of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State as Boer republics and placed them within the British Empire. But the Boers were given 3m in compensation and were promised self-government in time (the Union of South Africa was established in 1910).

The Boers referred to the two wars as the Freedom Wars.

Colonialism and Imperialism of the 19th-20th century